Below is the introduction to Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s latest book, “The Wuhan Cover-Up: And the Terrifying Bioweapons Arms Race,” which details how a cartel of run-amok military, intelligence, public health, biopharmaceutical, tech and media interests successfully positioned biosecurity at the forefront of U.S. foreign policy. The book, available now for pre-order, will ship on Dec. 5.
On my seventh birthday, January 17, 1961 — three days before my uncle, John F. Kennedy, took his oath of office as United States President — his predecessor, President Dwight Eisenhower, appeared on national television to deliver his farewell address, which history increasingly regards as one of the most important and prophetic speeches in American history.
“In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
“We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes.”
President Eisenhower took special care to include an expanded definition of his term “military-industrial complex” that would include the top bureaucrats at the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Eisenhower warned that the federal government’s rising medical and scientific technocracy posed its own unique threats toward our democracy and freedom.
“In this revolution, [scientific/medical] research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government …
“Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity …
“The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded …
“[W]e must also be alert to the … danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.”
Eisenhower ended his speech with an admonition that echoes now in rebuke as we emerge from the COVID era that trampled the core principles that had, for 240 years, maintained America as the global exemplar for democracy, constitutional government, and personal freedom.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system — ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Eisenhower had recognized that America could not be both a democracy at home and an imperial power abroad. But to justify its existence, that cartel would drum up endless wars and emergencies that ensured its own wealth and power while transforming America from an exemplary democracy into a national security state abroad and surveillance state at home.
Seven years later, Dr. Anthony Fauci joined the National Institutes of Health, where he would never face combat. There he began a fifty-year sojourn that would put him at the summit of the nation’s scientific and technological elite, an apex that he would use to militarize and monetize medical research and to consolidate the seamless alliance between government, science, the military and intelligence agencies, and private contractors in ways that would consummate President Eisenhower’s worst nightmares about the threat this cartel posed to democracy.
The cartel would reach its apogee in 2022. As the COVID pandemic commenced, the rising medical technocracy — with Anthony Fauci at the helm — took on all the menacing features President Eisenhower warned against.
A powerful syndicate, composed of government public health technocrats, a rapacious pharmaceutical industry, military and intelligence officials, and media and social media titans, appropriated awesome new powers to override constitutional and civil rights, censor information, suppress dissent, and engineer compliance with arbitrary diktats.
These mandates culminated in mass submission to inoculation with risky, ineffective, shoddily tested, and unlicensed vaccines. And no one is liable for any damage they cause.
Claiming unprecedented new powers as necessary to fight the war against germs, government and industry officials predictably abused them, dealing blows to democracy with no discernible benefits to public health.
Just as the CIA and military apparatus paradoxically profit from war, not peace, the medical cartel and its Big Pharma allies benefit from illness, not health. Dr. Fauci and his cronies amplified this power through an orchestrated propaganda campaign bent on maintaining a level of public terror and germophobia.
The eminent sociologist C. Wright Mills had anticipated Eisenhower’s prescient warning four years earlier in his durable 1956 work, The Power Elite. Since World War II, America had been dominated by “a permanent-war economy,” in the words of the maverick sociologist.
This war establishment maintained its power and profits by creating a constant, free-floating state of anxiety and animosity.
“For the first time in American history, men in authority are talking about an ‘emergency’ without a foreseeable end,” Mills wrote. “Such men as these are crackpot realists: in the name of realism they have constructed a paranoid reality all their own.”
Three days after Eisenhower’s farewell address, on a frozen day in Washington, I sat under a clear sky in a frigid bleacher and watched my uncle, the incoming president, John F. Kennedy, take the oath of office. In his own inaugural in 1933, at the height of a terrifying global depression, JFK’s idol Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR) had warned the nation that fear was the most potent tool of totalitarians.
In Europe, despots from the left and right had wielded public fear of the same depression to transform Russia into a communist nation and Italy, Germany, and Spain into fascist totalitarian states. FDR had preserved both capitalism and democracy by a steady hand and confidence that kept fear at bay.
My uncle’s truncated administration would be a three-year battle to secede from the reign of fear. His first bitter battle with his security apparatus occurred three months later during the failed Bay of Pigs invasion. Even as he took public blame for the calamity, he realized that his military brass and CIA panjandrums had lied to him to trick him into allowing an invasion they knew would fail.
Their plan was to trap a young president, faced with this humiliating failure three months into a presidency, into complying with the demands of his Joint Chiefs for a full US invasion of Cuba, something that JFK had vowed never to do.
I chronicled this struggle in my 2018 book, “American Values.” JFK recognized that the CIA’s function was no longer securing US interests. It had devolved into a rogue agency, taking on the implicit ambition of US multinational corporations, including oil companies and Big Agriculture.
In this case, CIA’s partners were Texaco, United Fruit Company, and the American mafia. JFK recognized that the CIA’s essential function was no longer national security but providing the Pentagon and its military contractors a steady pipeline of continuous wars.
In May 1961, now only four months into his presidency, my uncle stood inside the Oval Office telling his closest aide that he wanted to “splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.” Between November 1961 and February 1962, he fired the agency’s three top officers — Allen Dulles, Charles Cabell, and Richard Bissell.
“American Values” recounts my family’s sixty-year fistfight with that agency. Today, powerful pharmaceutical companies have joined Big Oil as the engine of US foreign policy, and US intelligence is still playing the same insidious role.
This book explores that history.
My 2021 book, “The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health,” also examines the rise of the biosecurity agenda and the remarkable alliance between Western public health regulators, military and intelligence agencies, and odd allies at the apex of the Chinese military in creating the bugs that cause pandemics and crafting responses that have advanced the agenda of a security and surveillance state.
Their efforts hide the shadowy influences of these puppeteers who manipulated every feature of the pandemic. The coordination of these forces is nowhere more evident than in their orchestration of the cover-up of the origins of the COVID bug.
The biosecurity agenda — Pandemic Preparedness and Response (PPR), as it is euphemistically called — is the organizing principle of the post–Cold War military-industrial complex — or, more accurately, the military/medical-industrial complex.
CIA and Pentagon planners played key roles in a series of over a dozen tabletop simulations, beginning in 1999, that served as secret training exercises for tens of thousands of US officials and foreign leaders in responding to global pandemics with a series of authoritarian “countermeasures” that function as a coup d’état against democratic and constitutional rights.
This syndicate includes the Pentagon and intelligence apparatus, pharmaceutical companies, traditional media and social media platforms, and Big Data — which all have incestuous financial entanglements with each other that drive clear but perverse incentives to develop and periodically release infectious bioweapons and reap profits and power from the response.
Anthony Fauci and billionaire Bill Gates became the visible faces of pandemic response, but in this book I expose them as frontmen for a much larger enterprise: a military/medical-industrial complex driven by elements within the CIA and Pentagon, which — even more than Anthony Fauci — contributed to creating the COVID-19 coronavirus in a Chinese lab, dictated the official countermeasures, managed and controlled the vaccine rollout, and managed the cover-up of the source.
Hiding their role in the creation of the COVID-19 coronavirus is critical because its exposure would reveal the corruption and the players. It is their Achilles’ heel.
The Defender on occasion posts content related to Children’s Health Defense’s nonprofit mission that features Mr. Kennedy’s views on the issues CHD and The Defender regularly cover. In keeping with Federal Election Commission rules, this content does not represent an endorsement of Mr. Kennedy, who is on leave from CHD and is seeking the Independent party nomination for president of the U.S.
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